CHINAMPAS

Chinampas are rectangular shaped areas of fertile arable land used for crops during the Mesoamerican era. To build a Chinampa plots about 30m by 2.5m were staked out on the lake bed. A fence was woven between the stakes, and the area would be filled in mud and vegetation. The next rectangle would be parallel to this one, with room for a canal in between, where canoes can pass through.

Chinampa

Chinampas were primarily used in Lake Texcoco and Chalco near the springs that lined the south shores of those lakes.  The primary chinampa crops were maize, beans, squash, amaranth, tomatoes and chili peppers and also used to grow flowers.

In the area of Xochimilco, the chinampas are still in use. The area was was first used by the Aztecs for chinampa farming after they  had conquered it from previous inhabitants, seven Nahua tribes, who themselves moved into the area between the eigth and tenth centuries AD.

With the destruction of dams and sluice gates during the Spanish conquest of Mexico, many chinampa fields were abandoned, although many remnants are still in used today of what still remains of Lake Xochimilco. Chinampas were also the main food supply for the city of Tenochtitlan which is known today as Mexico City.

Popularity: 14% [?]

Categories: Uncategorized | Tags: , , , | 2 Comments

Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, Abraham Lincoln September 22, 1862

A Proclamation.

I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of America, and Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of practically restoring the constitutional relation between the United States, and each of the states, and the people thereof, in which states that relation is, or may be suspended, or disturbed.

That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection of all slave-states, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellion against the United States, and which states, may then have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily adopt, immediate, or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respective limits; and that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with their consent, upon this continent, or elsewhere, with the previously obtained consent of the Governments existing there, will be continued.

That on the first day of January in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any state, or designated part of a state, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the executive government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom.

That the executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States, and parts of states, if any, in which the people thereof respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any state, or the people thereof shall, on that day be, in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such state shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such state and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United States.

That attention is hereby called to an act of Congress entitled “An act to make an additional Article of War” approved March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figure following:

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That hereafter the following shall be promulgated as an additional article of war for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as such:

Article—. All officers or persons in the military or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor, who may have escaped from any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due, and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service.

SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage.

Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled “An Act to suppress Insurrection, to punish Treason and Rebellion, to seize and confiscate property of rebels, and for other purposes,” approved July 17, 1862, and which sections are in the words and figures following:

SEC. 9. And be it further enacted, That all slaves of persons who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion against the government of the United States, or who shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the army; and all slaves captured from such persons or deserted by them and coming under the control of the government of the United States; and all slaves of such persons found on (or) being within any place occupied by rebel forces and afterwards occupied by the forces of the United States, shall be deemed captives of war, and shall be forever free of their servitude and not again held as slaves.

SEC. 10. And be it further enacted, That no slave escaping into any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, from any other State, shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, except for crime, or some offence against the laws, unless the person claiming said fugitive shall first make oath that the person to whom the labor or service of such fugitive is alleged to be due is his lawful owner, and has not borne arms against the United States in the present rebellion, nor in any way given aid and comfort thereto; and no person engaged in the military or naval service of the United States shall, under any pretence whatever, assume to decide on the validity of the claim of any person to the service or labor of any other person, or surrender up any such person to the claimant, on pain of being dismissed from the service.

And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons engaged in the military and naval service of the United States to observe, obey, and enforce, within their respective spheres of service, the act, and sections above recited.

And the executive will in due time recommend that all citizens of the United States who shall have remained loyal thereto throughout the rebellion, shall (upon the restoration of the constitutional relation between the United States, and their respective states, and people, if that relation shall have been suspended or disturbed) be compensated for all losses by acts of the United States, including the loss of slaves.

L.S.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

Done at the City of Washington, this twenty second day of September, in the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty two, and of the Independence of the United States, the eighty seventh.

By the President: ABRAHAM LINCOLN

Popularity: 2% [?]

Categories: American History, Civil War, Great Speeches | Tags: , , , , , | 1 Comment

Mexican American War 1846 – 1848


In December, 1846, 856 Missourians, led by Alexander Doniphan, had left Santa Fe and skirmished against Mexicans at the Rio Grande, near El Paso. On February 28, fifteen miles north of Chihuahua, they fought a Mexican force, and the next day they rode into Chihuahua unopposed. In late May they joined Taylor’s forces. Then, with their period of enlistment completed, they returned to Missouri.

Meanwhile, guerrilla forces were harassing Taylor’s supply lines. Small armies of hacienda-owning warlords had entered the fighting, some of them hoping for independence from Mexico City. Some Mexicans in the north were interested in negotiations with the U.S. to that end. Some were interested in maintaining economic ties with the United States.

Fighting in the north was occasionally brutal, especially that conducted by Texas Rangers, who exercised a grudge against Mexicans and attacked with little regard for civilian lives or property. General Taylor complained that they were “too licentious” and in need of discipline.

Weakening Mexico’s cause in the north was rebellion in the center-west of Mexico. The former president, Anastasio Bustamente, was put in command of an expedition that was supposed to counter U.S. intrusions into California, but before Bustamente’s force got as far as Guadalajara insurrection intervened. And at Mazatlán, the port from which Bustamente’s force was supposed to debark, civil war had erupted, making departure impossible and weakening Mexico farther north.
U.S. Troops from Vera Cruz to Mexico City

Mexico’s acting president, Valentín Gómez Farías, remained in conflict with the Catholic Church. The Church in Mexico had been blessing troops before they went into battle, praying for a Mexican victory and organizing religious processions, but they were ignoring requests for donations of money. In Congress it was argued that the war effort could not continue without financial help from the Church, and Congress voted 46 to 32 to seize church property. Across Mexico and in the streets of Mexico City, priests and lay people protested. Criollo regiments in Mexico City revolted, and, because they were known to enjoy festivities and dancing the polka, it was called the Polko (sic) Rebellion. In the streets were leaflets reading “Death to Congress” and “Death to Farías.” Farías mobilized a militia with which to combat the revolt, and the unrest continued into February, with newspapers on the side of the revolt. The government ordered the arrests of some military leaders. Moderates joined in opposing the government, and, on March 5, the government arrested the leader of the moderates, Gómez Pedraza. Santa Anna returned to Mexico City and ordered an end to hostilities. Farías resigned, complaining of broken health, and was replaced by a supporter of the Church, Pedro Anaya. And the Church extended two million pesos to Santa Anna in exchange for the repeal of anti-clerical laws.

On March 9, the U.S. landed a force of 12,000 under the command of General Winfield Scott. The landing was unopposed. U.S. forces asked the city of Vera Cruz to surrender, and following its refusal and four days of bombardment from land and U.S. ships, the U.S. captured the city, on March 28, with a loss for the U.S. of 20 killed.

On March 31, news of the invasion reached Mexico City — twenty-two days after the event. A wave of patriotism swept through Mexico City, and it was decreed there that any Mexican who sought peace with U.S. troops on Mexican territory would be charged with treason. Santa Anna went eastward with a force to confront the U.S. invasion, hoping to hold the U.S. forces to the lowlands and exposure to the yellow fever.

The supplies that Scott was waiting for did not arrive, and rather than wait longer he left his First Infantry at Vera Cruz and moved the rest of his force inland, to a higher elevation and toward Mexico City. In mid April Scott and his army found Santa Anna’s army waiting for them at a narrow pass by a hill known as Cerro Gordo. The Battle of Cerro Gordo began on April 17. Santa Anna had 32 artillery pieces, elite cavalry units and a total of about 12,000 men, for what has been viewed as the most important battle of the war.

Santa Anna did not array his forces well. Captain Robert E. Lee and his associates found a route around Santa Anna’s flank. The attack from an unexpected direction and toward the rear of Santa Anna’s army resulted in Scott’s army capturing around 3,000 men and 43 heavy guns. Scott lost 63 killed and 353 wounded. An estimated 1,000 Mexicans were killed or wounded. The remainder of Santa Anna’s army fled along the national roadway inland.

Santa Anna returned to Mexico City, where by now news had arrived that the Battle of Buena Vista, back in February, had not been the success that Santa Anna had described. But Santa Anna was still looked to as the only man who could save Mexico, and he was allowed to advance and to occupy the city of Puebla, on the national roadway between Vera Cruz and Mexico City.

Scott tried to treat the inhabitants of Puebla well, while he awaited reinforcements and supplies. Some of his force returned home, their enlistments over. In June an English delegation arrived at Scott’s headquarters and announced Santa Anna’s willingness to end the war. The message from Santa Anna was that it was essential that the U.S. advance no farther and that it send him $10,000 in cash so that he could influence the necessary people. The money was given to Santa Anna, but it was another ruse.

Reinforcements arrived and Scott drilled his troops until August 7, when he left a garrison force at Puebla and started for Mexico City with an army of 10,700 men. At Austerlitz, Napoleon entered battle with 68,000, against a combined Russian and Austrian force of 85,000. In Washington D.C. the war was being pursued with some mind to economy.

With about 7,000 infantry and youthful volunteers from Mexico, Santa Anna marched to a fortified hill seven miles east of the city — El Penón. Scott’s army swung to the south (around Lake Chalco and Lake Xochimilco), and Santa Anna hastily repositioned his forces and relocated his headquarters at a monastery at Churubusco, five miles south of Mexico City. Santa Anna still had some hope in his cavalry, although the cavalry was ineffective against a standing line of riflemen. Santa Anna’s cannon were antiquated, the powder they used was of poor quality and the gunners inadequately trained. The weapons of his infantry were discards from Europe.

On August 20 a major battle ensued. With Santa Anna were 204 deserters from the U.S. Army, mostly Irish Catholics who had decided that this was in part at least a religious war — Catholics against Protestants. They formed what was called the Batallón San Patricio (Saint Patrick’s Battalion) and are said to have rebelled against abusive treatment by Protestant officers. Among Protestant citizens of the United States the war against Mexico had inflamed some anti-Catholic passions.

Scott’s force feigned a frontal attack in one area while others swung around toward the rear of Santa Anna’s force. Santa Anna was demonstrating again that he was something less than a gifted tactician. Scott lost 60 dead and wounded. His force counted 813 prisoners taken, including four generals. An estimate of Mexican casualties is 700.

Among the prisoners taken were men of the St. Patrick’s Battalion. Military trials were held and 70 of them sentenced to death. General Scott pardoned five of them and reduced the sentences of fifteen others to fifty lashes and the letter D (for desertion) branded on their cheek. The remaining fifty were hanged on September 12.

On September 13, Scott’s army reached Chapultepec Castle — the Halls of Montezuma (Moctezuma) — two miles southwest of the city. A force of 832 National Guardsmen made a stand there, joined by 43 cadets from a military academy there, some as young as thirteen. Rather than surrender, the cadets fought to their deaths, and September 13 was to be a day celebrated every year in Mexico, the Day of the Boy Heroes of Chapultepec.

Members of a city council negotiated with General Scott, and a guarantee for the safety of the people of Mexico City was established, but it came to naught as outraged Mexicans launched attacks against U.S. forces as they entered the city and U.S. forces fired back in self-defense. Late on the second day in the city (September 15), the U.S. forces celebrated their victory, with music and alcohol, while civilians were tending their dead. Soon, business-starved shopkeepers in Mexico City opened their coffee shops, photography studios, dance and pool halls and other manner of commerce with U.S. soldiers.

Santa Anna had fled with an army of around 9,000, intending to carry on the war, to attack the U.S. garrison at Puebla and to cut Scott’s supply line. But before he reached Puebla his demoralized army disintegrated. Guerrilla operations continued against Scott’s lines of supply but dwindled by November — the month that the U.S. Navy captured Mazatlán and the port town of Guaymas. Santa Anna took up residence in the town of Tehuacán, and there, on January 23, 350 Texas Rangers arrived intending to capture Santa Anna, to exact revenge upon him for the Alamo. But Santa Anna had fled two hours before their arrival, and soon the U.S. gave him safe passage into exile — to Jamaica.
Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo

A provisional government had been established at Querétaro, about 100 miles northwest of Mexico City, with a former chief justice of Mexico’s Supreme Court, Manuel de la Peña, as interim president — while some states remained in rebellion against the central government and some, including monarchists, wanted to continue fighting the United States. In November enough support was given to the national government that a quorum was considered to have been obtained and legitimacy established, allowing Peña’s government to move toward a settlement with the United States.

Negotiations began in January, and on February 2, 1848, the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was signed. Those who had wanted the United States to acquire Baja California, Sonora, Chihuahua, Coahuila and other northern states, and Yucatán, were disappointed. But from Mexico the United States won recognition as having Alto California, New Mexico and Texas to the Rio Grande. Mexico was given a guarantee of rights for the people who had been living in these areas and loyal to Mexico. The U.S. agreed to prevent attacks by Indians across the new border into Mexico. Mexico was agreeing to giving up a good percentage of its territory, and although the United States was virtually dictating the terms of the settlement it wanted to give Mexico something and agreed to pay 15 million dollars for damages, to assume responsibility for 3 million dollars in claims against Mexico by U.S. citizens and to relieve Mexico of its monetary debt to the United States. The U.S. President received the signed treaty on February 19. Mexico’s Congress went into session in May and ratified the treaty. And that month so did the U.S. Congress — a treaty that was to remain active into the twenty-first century.

In the war, the United States lost 1,721 killed and 11,550 deaths from other causes, mainly disease, and the war cost the federal government 100,000,000 in 1848 dollars.

Popularity: 27% [?]

Categories: American History | Tags: , , , , , , , , , , | Leave a comment

WW2 – The Battle Of Los Angeles

During the night of 24/25 February 1942, unidentified objects caused a succession of alerts in southern California. On the 24th, a warning issued by naval intelligence indicated that an attack could be expected within the next ten hours. That evening a large number of flares and blinking lights were reported from the vicinity of defense plants. An alert called at 1918 [7:18 p.m., Pacific time] was lifted at 2223, and the tension temporarily relaxed. But early in the morning of the 25th renewed activity began. Radars picked up an unidentified target 120 miles west of Los Angeles. Antiaircraft batteries were alerted at 0215 and were put on Green Alert—ready to fire—a few minutes later. The AAF kept its pursuit planes on the ground, preferring to await indications of the scale and direction of any attack before committing its limited fighter force. Radars tracked the approaching target to within a few miles of the coast, and at 0221 the regional controller ordered a blackout. Thereafter the information center was flooded with reports of “enemy planes, ” even though the mysterious object tracked in from sea seems to have vanished. At 0243, planes were reported near Long Beach, and a few minutes later a coast artillery colonel spotted “about 25 planes at 12,000 feet” over Los Angeles. At 0306 a balloon carrying a red flare was seen over Santa Monica and four batteries of anti-aircraft artillery opened fire, whereupon “the air over Los Angeles erupted like a volcano.” From this point on reports were hopelessly at variance.

Probably much of the confusion came from the fact that anti-aircraft shell bursts, caught by the searchlights, were themselves mistaken for enemy planes. In any case, the next three hours produced some of the most imaginative reporting of the war: “swarms” of planes (or, sometimes, balloons) of all possible sizes, numbering from one to several hundred, traveling at altitudes which ranged from a few thousand feet to more than 20,000 and flying at speeds which were said to have varied from “very slow” to over 200 miles per hour, were observed to parade across the skies. These mysterious forces dropped no bombs and, despite the fact that 1,440 rounds of anti-aircraft ammunition were directed against them, suffered no losses. There were reports, to be sure, that four enemy planes had been shot down, and one was supposed to have landed in flames at a Hollywood intersection. Residents in a forty-mile arc along the coast watched from hills or rooftops as the play of guns and searchlights provided the first real drama of the war for citizens of the mainland. The dawn, which ended the shooting and the fantasy, also proved that the only damage which resulted to the city was such as had been caused by the excitement (there was at least one death from heart failure), by traffic accidents in the blacked-out streets, or by shell fragments from the artillery barrage.

Attempts to arrive at an explanation of the incident quickly became as involved and mysterious as the “battle” itself. The Navy immediately insisted that there was no evidence of the presence of enemy planes, and Secretary [of the Navy, Frank] Knox announced at a press conference on 25 February that the raid was just a false alarm. At the same conference he admitted that attacks were always possible and indicated that vital industries located along the coast ought to be moved inland. The Army had a hard time making up its mind on the cause of the alert. A report to Washington, made by the Western Defense Command shortly after the raid had ended, indicated that the credibility of reports of an attack had begun to be shaken before the blackout was lifted. This message predicted that developments would prove “that most previous reports had been greatly exaggerated.” The Fourth Air Force had indicated its belief that there were no planes over Los Angeles. But the Army did not publish these initial conclusions. Instead, it waited a day, until after a thorough examination of witnesses had been finished. On the basis of these hearings, local commanders altered their verdict and indicated a belief that from one to five unidentified airplanes had been over Los Angeles. Secretary Stimson announced this conclusion as the War Department version of the incident, and he advanced two theories to account for the mysterious craft: either they were commercial planes operated by an enemy from secret fields in California or Mexico, or they were light planes launched from Japanese submarines. In either case, the enemy’s purpose must have been to locate anti-aircraft defenses in the area or to deliver a blow at civilian morale.

The divergence of views between the War and Navy departments, and the unsatisfying conjectures advanced by the Army to explain the affair, touched off a vigorous public discussion. The Los Angeles Times, in a first-page editorial on 26 February, announced that “the considerable public excitement and confusion” caused by the alert, as well as its “spectacular official accompaniments, ” demanded a careful explanation. Fears were expressed lest a few phony raids undermine the confidence of civilian volunteers in the aircraft warning service. In Congress, Representative Leland Ford wanted to know whether the incident was “a practice raid, or a raid to throw a scare into 2,000,000 people, or a mistaken identity raid, or a raid to take away Southern California’s war industries.” Wendell Willkie, speaking in Los Angeles on 26 February, assured Californians on the basis of his experiences in England that when a real air raid began “you won’t have to argue about it—you’ll just know.” He conceded that military authorities had been correct in calling a precautionary alert but deplored the lack of agreement between the Army and Navy. A strong editorial in the Washington Post on 27 February called the handling of the Los Angeles episode a “recipe for jitters,” and censured the military authorities for what it called “stubborn silence” in the face of widespread uncertainty. The editorial suggested that the Army’s theory that commercial planes might have caused the alert “explains everything except where the planes came from, whither they were going, and why no American planes were sent in pursuit of them.” The New York Times on 28 February expressed a belief that the more the incident was studied, the more incredible it became: “If the batteries were firing on nothing at all, as Secretary Knox implies, it is a sign of expensive incompetence and jitters. If the batteries were firing on real planes, some of them as low as 9,000 feet, as Secretary Stimson declares, why were they completely ineffective? Why did no American planes go up to engage them, or even to identify them?… What would have happened if this had been a real air raid?” These questions were appropriate, but for the War Department to have answered them in full frankness would have involved an even more complete revelation of the weakness of our air defenses.

At the end of the war, the Japanese stated that they did not send planes over the area at the time of this alert, although submarine-launched aircraft were subsequently used over Seattle. A careful study of the evidence suggests that meteorological balloons—known to have been released over Los Angeles —may well have caused the initial alarm. This theory is supported by the fact that anti-aircraft artillery units were officially criticized for having wasted ammunition on targets which moved too slowly to have been airplanes. After the firing started, careful observation was difficult because of drifting smoke from shell bursts. The acting commander of the anti-aircraft artillery brigade in the area testified that he had first been convinced that he had seen fifteen planes in the air, but had quickly decided that he was seeing smoke. Competent correspondents like Ernie Pyle and Bill Henry witnessed the shooting and wrote that they were never able to make out an airplane. It is hard to see, in any event, what enemy purpose would have been served by an attack in which no bombs were dropped, unless perhaps, as Mr. Stimson suggested, the purpose had been reconnaissance.

Popularity: 3% [?]

Categories: American History, World War II | Tags: , , , , | 1 Comment